This story by Sofia Resnick appeared on Colorado Newsline on June 21, 2023. It’s part of a special States Newsroom series on abortion access one year after the U.S. Supreme Court struck down the constitutional right to abortion. We are sharing it in three parts.
Dr. Sarah Traxler, the chief medical officer for Planned Parenthood North Central States, testified before the Minnesota lawmakers back in March about a 40% rise in second-trimester cases since Dobbs. The region encompasses Iowa, Minnesota, Nebraska, North Dakota, and South Dakota, with the bulk of patients going to Minnesota.
“Since June, I have cared for patients from everywhere,” Traxler testified. “I’ve seen patients who’ve flown from Louisiana, only to find that their complex pregnancy condition kept them from being seen in a freestanding clinic like mine, forcing them to continue a dangerous pregnancy because hospital-based care was not available to them.”
A first-trimester abortion can range from $500-$1,000 to tens of thousands in the second trimester, and up to $25,000 in the third, said Jade Hurley, communications manager for the DC Abortion Fund, one of more than 100 mutual aid organizations to crop up during the past two decades to help cover these steep costs, which are compounded by travel, transportation, and child care costs.
Financial and logistical barriers to abortion are not new, but Dobbs has exacerbated them. Shortly after the Supreme Court originally enshrined federal abortion rights in 1973, anti-abortion lawmakers began passing public-insurance bans on abortion, as a way to at least prevent part of the population from accessing this medical procedure.
“I would certainly like to prevent, if I could legally, anybody having an abortion – a rich woman, a middle class woman, or a poor woman,” said the late U.S. Rep. Henry Hyde (R-Ill.) during a floor debate in 1976 to defend a ban on the use of Medicaid insurance for abortion. “Unfortunately, the only vehicle available is the [Medicaid appropriations] bill.”
In D.C., as in 32 states, public insurance cannot fund abortion, according to the health policy research group KFF. And as costs rise, abortion and practical-support funds around the country report receiving more higher dollar requests. These days funds typically have to work together, pooling grants from multiple funds just to serve one patient. Representatives from multiple abortion funds told States Newsroom they are also receiving more donations than at any other time, but they say the need is still overwhelming demand.
Hurley says in 2023, the fund has pledged almost $1 million to about 1,000 patients getting abortions in the D.C. area. On a recent webinar hosted by the abortion-rights activist group Reproaction, Hurley said individual pledge amounts made a “humongous jump” from $200 to $600.
“We’re seeing a huge amount of people coming from all over the country,” Hurley said. “We had a person come from California very recently, which is honestly, you know, it’s shocking, because that’s so far away. … We’re dealing with funding gaps that we didn’t even know existed. And I think overall we don’t even know the true need that’s out there, from D.C. to across the country.”
Two months ago, a 40-year-old woman in Arizona delivered a lifeless 13-week-old fetus into a plastic food storage container. The woman, who asked not to be named out of fear of criminal prosecution, told States Newsroom that the fetus had obvious deformities. She was a much wanted rainbow baby, the term given to a baby born after a pregnancy loss.
Until recently this mother of seven was “1,000% against abortion.” One stillbirth separates two sets of three kids. Her eighth pregnancy, last year, resulted in a twinless twin. But this pregnancy was even grimmer: What started out as triplets became one surviving embryo. At 13 weeks, the remaining living fetus was diagnosed with trisomy 18, a fatal genetic condition.
She voraciously read the literature on trisomy 18 and learned that the vast majority of babies born with this disease die before their first birthday, within months, days, or hours. For her the decision to terminate was simple. “Imagine bringing this baby home and all my kids love her and get attached, and then she died at 3 months or something?” she said.
But getting timely, legal care was a different story.
Her state currently allows abortion up to 15 weeks’ gestation, while an 1864 total abortion ban works its way through the courts. However, Arizona criminalizes something only a handful states do: Terminating a pregnancy because of fetal genetic abnormalities. Her doctor said she couldn’t terminate the pregnancy but suggested she go to an abortion clinic and not disclose she’d had genetic testing done. But the nearest clinics were booked out until May and June. A clinic in Nevada could see her, but she didn’t have the money or ability to travel.
Because she’s had so many kids and two stillbirths, the Arizona woman decided to go outside the medical system. She had her stepdad get her misoprostol over the border in Mexico. This medication is typically used to treat ulcers but is also an abortifacient, and it’s available over the counter for around $30 in Mexico. The typical two-drug regimen approved by the U.S. Food and Drug Administration two decades ago comprises the hormone-blocker mifepristone followed by misoprostol, which causes the uterus to contract and expel the embryonic or fetal remains.
Medication abortion – whether obtained at a clinic or via legal telemedicine, or by ordering pills from abroad – has helped fill an access gap since Dobbs. Most often women are terminating with the same two-drug regimen approved by the FDA. However, that protocol is approved only for up to 10 weeks’ gestation, while the World Health Organization okays the protocol for 12 weeks.
But many women are taking the medication as soon as they get them, even if that means well into the second trimester, because of travel and shipping delays, which fundamentally changes the experience. Rather than experiencing what may describe as moderate to heavy bleeding and moderate to excruciating cramps, second-trimester medication abortions involve delivering a more developed fetus, with its umbilical cord and placenta.
It took the Arizona woman about seven hours to deliver the fetus and placenta using the misoprostol-only regime, followed by weeks of bleeding. This method is considered safe and effective, but is associated with higher rates of incomplete abortion, and pain. Days later, the woman’s doctor found retained placenta inside her. She says she couldn’t imagine having done this without her birthing experience or guidance from her regular medical providers.
“Being like my basically ninth delivery, I knew what to do,” she said, “I would never just give the pills to somebody that has never had a baby. … I understood delivering the baby and then delivering the placenta, and my water breaking. But if you’re like a first-time mom, and you had to go through the pills at the gestation I did, they would freak out.”
And that’s exactly what’s happening, says family physician Linda Prine, who co-founded the Miscarriage and Abortion Hotline to help guide pregnant people seeking information on where to get abortion drugs and how to self-manage their abortions safely. She said at least once a day now the hotline is hearing from women who took the medication in the second trimester and were unprepared to deliver an intact fetus.
“Prior to the fall of Roe, we probably only had two calls per year of anyone using pills past 13 weeks. Now we have several every week and sometimes daily,” Prine told States Newsroom a few months ago, for a previous story. “The issues we see are the psychological trauma if they are not prepared for the experience, and the potential legal risks.”
Abortion access advocates note that all of this will be compounded if the U.S. Supreme Court ultimately orders a recall or severely restricts the abortion drug mifepristone in a high stakes lawsuit currently making its way to the high court.
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